The Socialist-Capitalist Alliance: the Fabian Society, the Frankfurt School, and Big Business: Part III

Fabian socialism and Frankfurt School cultural Marxism employ “gradualism” and “long march” permeation strategies to undermine and transform traditional Western societies. The last fifty years have witnessed elitist socialist governments coming into power that enforce a top-down reformism and global governance in alliance with Big Business. They have disregarded the white working classes as the revolutionary source for the manifestation of their goals, favouring instead “minority” opposition movements and Third-World immigrants. Today they favour two specific methods to radically alter Western civilization: the practice of mass-immigration and the policies of multiculturalism in unison with the economic interests of business elites.

Growth of Immigrant Communities and Indigenous Opposition

Prior to World War II, Western countries were overwhelmingly white in ethnicity and immigration was mainly intra-Western. In the 1950s and 60s, European-based countries began to practice non-European mass-immigration. In the 1970s, all European-based countries enacted a version of multiculturalism, whether in the form of “diversity,” “integration,” “melting pot,” or “mosaic” models. By the 1980s non-European ethnic immigrant communities were growing steadily in all Western nations thanks to the high birth rates of non-European immigrants and the introduction of family reunification laws. Today, some key areas, particularly around the major cities, have become majority non-White. Some of these ethnic minority neighbourhoods are parallel communities known as anti-Western no-go zones, sensitive urban areas, under self-governance e.g. Sharia-controlled areas, often claimed by ethnically distinct youth as territory captured.

Since the 1990s, and even earlier, polarized populations along ethnic lines have arisen and urban youth violence in all the major cities of Europe has escalated. Increasing public criticism of mass-immigration has accompanied these developments, as seen in polls, surveys, and government reports, see here, and here, and here, and here.

Numerous anti-immigration parties have emerged all across the Western world and, in recent years, several European political leaders have claimed that multiculturalism has failed completely or is dead. There have also been growing debates about European countries suffering from an “identity crisis,” “end of Europe,” “White genocide,” and the creation of “Eurabia.” Nevertheless, all major political parties in the West do not acknowledge these public grievances other than in terms of lip service, or by negative labeling of criticism and opposition political groups as “racist” or “extremist.

Mainstream Justifications for Sustained Large-Scale Non-European Immigration

Not one single mainstream political party has provided adequate representation for the indigenous majorities of Western countries; not one has stood up for the white working classes or white ethnic identity; not one of them has commented on the devastating changes (cultural, economic, political, national, demographic) these social engineering practices have wreaked upon the European peoples and way of life. Instead, through the years, numerous reasons have been given in an attempt to justify sustained high-level immigration, which can be broken into two main time-periods:

• Beginning in the 1950s Third-world mass-immigration was said to be necessary due to the shortage of labour power post-WWII, which also coincided with decolonization and the U.S. Atlantic Charter vision of international free trade

• From the 1980s onwards mass-immigration from the Third-World has been justified in numerous ways (and despite economic recessions and high unemployment):

Other than the “cultural enrichment” and “end of ethnic conflict” aspects, all of these reasons are centered on one pivotal factor: economics.

Fabian-based Documents and Justifications

One of the main reasons given for initial postwar mass-immigration from the Third World was the need for an economic boom coupled with a shortage of cheap European labour power after WWII. European countries had been devastated by both Wars and needed a supply of cheap labour to begin the reconstruction process. As this was also a time when Western colonial powers were providing independence for countries in Asia and Africa, as well as in the West Indies, much of the labour power came from these areas. For example, the United Kingdom enacted the British Nationality Act in 1948, which guaranteed the “right of entry” to the Commonwealth citizens of their former colonies (West Indies, Pakistan, and India) and recruited them as a labour force, allowing them to settle and work in the various industries in Britain.

Immigration into the West prior to WWII had been mainly based on “white-only” immigrant selection criteria. But during and after the WWII, some important documents signaled a new direction in international relations leading to important changes in immigration practices, namely, the Atlantic Charter (a U.S – U.K alliance created on August 14 1941), the Declaration of the United Nations (1942), and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948).

After World War II, the United States grew in power and President Franklin D. Roosevelt developed a Fabian-influenced Wilsonian vision of the postwar era that stressed international free trade, national sovereignty, and shared security. Woodrow Wilson was a fan of Fabian socialism and Roosevelt himself was well-connected to the Fabian Society: his wife Eleanor, his friend H.G. Wells, and his economic adviser Stuart Chase, who authored A New Deal (1932), were Fabians.

In point 4 of the Atlantic Charter it states that Britain and the U.S. would “endeavour, with due respect for their existing obligations, to further the enjoyment by all States, great or small, victor or vanquished, of access, on equal terms, to the trade and to the raw materials of the world which are needed for their economic prosperity.” For Roosevelt the “equality of peoples” was a necessary element for his plan of international free trade to materialise: “The structure of the peace demands and will get equality of peoples. Equality of peoples involves the utmost freedom of competitive trade” (Elliott Roosevelt, As He Saw It, 1946, p. 35).

This Charter also included the dismantling of the old-world imperialist system and Empire, as well as world-wide reduction in armaments, for the purpose of creating world peace (as set out by the League of Nations post WWI), but in actuality it was American-led neocolonialism masquerading as free trade. At a dinner in August 1941, British Prime Minister Winston Churchill responded to this plan: “Mr. President, I believe you are trying to do away with the British Empire. Every idea you entertain about the structure of the postwar world demonstrates it” (Sidney Lens, The Forging of the American Empire. From the Revolution to Vietnam: A History of U.S. Imperialism, 1971, p. 327).

Regardless of this critical stance, Churchill signed the Charter. He was also inspired by Fabianism, accepting the 1942 Beveridge report of the UK Fabian-Labour Party led by Fabian PM Clement Attlee. He considered Stalin his friend and, like the Webbs and G.B. Shaw, called him “Uncle Joe”.

In 1942, a short document which came to be known as the “United Nations Declaration” was signed by 26 nations which had pledged to uphold the Atlantic Charter. Then in 1945 the United Nations Conference on International Organization resulted in the creation of the United Nations Charter in 1945, which is the foundational treaty of the United Nations. However, due to atrocities committed during WWII, a clear and concise definition of the rights referred to in the UN Charter was required. Fabian member Eleanor Roosevelt chaired the Universal Declaration of Human Rights Drafting Committee, which began in 1946, and the principal drafter was the Canadian socialist, John Peters Humphrey. On 10 December 1948 the United Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) was adopted by the United Nations General Assembly as the first global expression of abstract human rights and the inherent entitlement of all human beings to these rights.

The 1941 U.S.-U.K. Atlantic Charter institutionalised a new global order that influenced the opening of Western nations to non-European immigration from the Third-World (decolonisation, equality, and independence) and shaped the development of global institutions such as the United Nations, the UDHR, the International Monetary Fund, the World Trade Organization, the World Bank and NATO. It also influenced the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, the Climate Change framework and the European Union.

With the creation of the UDHR, modifications to immigrant selection criteria were necessary so that immigration laws were consistent with Human Rights. UDHR requirements meant that the selection of immigrant flow sources was no longer based on the grounds of race as this was considered racist. In fact, as immigration was necessary to fuel economic growth for the neo-colonialist international free trade agenda of the Atlantic Charter post-WWII, and because European labour power was limited, including in non-war torn Canada and the United States, it was considered as vital that race was removed from immigration selection criteria. According to Noam Chomsky, immigration as a capitalist enterprise is inherently anti-racist: “identifications based on race interfere with the basic ideal that people should be available just as consumers and producers, interchangeable cogs who will purchase all the junk that’s produced — that’s their ultimate function, and any other properties they might have are kind of irrelevant, and usually a nuisance” (Chomsky, Understanding Power, 2002, p. 89).

Family Reunification, Temporary Work Permits, and the Myth of ‘Guest Workers’

One consequence of the British Nationality Act (1948), mentioned above, was a dramatic increase in the amount of non-European non-economic migrants: “family reunification meant that every pre-1962 migrant would bring in two or four subsequent migrants in the form of his family members” (source). In response the Act was overturned in 1962 and immigration controls were introduced by the conservative government under Harold Macmillan. The 1962 Commonwealth Immigrants Act aimed to control “the immigration into the United Kingdom of Commonwealth citizens” (source).

Although Labour opposition “denounced the measure as populist and racist,” there was widespread public support for such immigration restrictions. Once it ascended to power again in 1964 (to 1970), the Labour government under Harold Wilson came to understand the consequences of the British Nationality Act and in response, in 1965, it “tightened administrative controls over immigration and reduced the number of vouchers available” (source).

Then, in 1968, after strong campaigning by Enoch Powell and associates, Labour amended the 1962 Commonwealth Immigrants Act so that “a British subject was free from immigration control only if he, or at least one of his parents or grandparents was born, adopted, registered, or naturalised in the United Kingdom” (Ann Dummett and Andrew G. L. Nicol, Subjects, Citizens, Aliens, and Others: Nationality and Immigration Law, 1990, pp. 202-203).

By 1971 another Immigration Act was passed by the conservative government under PM Edward Heath. This act gave temporary work permits to non-European immigrants rather than employment vouchers and exempted ‘patrials’ or those with close UK associations. In addition, it made provisions for assisting in the voluntary repatriation of those migrants who had come to the UK under the British Nationality Act (source).

As a result of the temporary work permits, in the 1970s, a great deal of non-Europeans voluntarily migrated to the UK because of good employment prospects. They were considered “guest workers,” temporary labourers who would eventually return to their home countries. For example, “[m]any South Asian workers initially intended their stays to be temporary and a means of socio-economic mobility — through higher wages and remittances — for themselves and their extended families at home,” what is now known as the “myth of return” (Christian Karner, Ethnicity and Everyday Life, 2007, p. 75). It was a myth precisely because many of these economic migrants (and those recruited but refusing repatriation) eventually settled permanently in the UK and brought over their families via family reunification laws, leading to the massive growth of Hindu, Sikh, Muslim, and Black communities that we see today.

The Largest Immigrant Group in All European Countries: Muslims

In 1951 there were less than 22,000 Muslims in the United Kingdom; by 2011 there were over 2.8 million. Like the UK, all European countries had very small Muslim populations until the postwar era. Then France turned to Algeria in the 1960s and initiated mass-Muslim immigration in a bid to stave off cheap labour shortages; Germany turned to Turkey, also initiating Muslim mass-immigration; and other European countries have done the same, turning to Muslim-majority countries for sources of cheap labour. These choices now account for why Muslims are the largest minority immigrant group in many European cities today:

(Source: Wikipedia: List of cities in the European Union by Muslim population).

Large-scale Non-European Immigration to Canada

While Canada was not devastated during World War II, it too suffered from a labour shortage and turned to non-European immigration during the 1970s. Even though places like Canada, Australia, and the United States were different than Europe due to their modern history of settlement, and the presence of indigenous peoples (and African Americans in the United States), immigrant inflows remained majority White until the 1970s, when non-White mass-immigration was initiated. Canada, for example, did not start accepting high numbers of non-European immigrants until it implemented its 1967 points system in 1976. Only 2.1% of the population in 1971 constituted non-European peoples and remained under 5% until the mid-1980s. By the 1990s, about three quarters of all immigrants entering Canada were of non-European origin (visible minorities), and in 1996 “11.2% of Canada’s population — 3.2 million people — identified themselves as members of a visible minority group” (Monica Boyd and Michael Vickers, “100 Years of Immigration in Canada”, Canadian Social Trends, No. 58, 2000, p. 9).

By 2012, the non-European population made up at least 23.8% of Canada’s total population. In 2010 it was projected that in 2031 the “country’s foreign-born population is…expected to rise to as much as 28 per cent” and the visible minority population would represent about one third of the nation’s population (source).

The Fabian-Labour Roots behind the Rise of British Multiculturalism

Similar to Canada, which institutionalised multiculturalism as Canadian identity through Trudeau’s Multiculturalism speech of 1971, along with the various, acts, policies, and mandates that have followed, multicultural policies in the UK were adopted by local administrations from the 1970s and 1980s onward (although the term was never defined). British multiculturalism was first advocated by Roy Jenkins (1920-2003) in 1966. At this time the conditions in Britain were ripe for an ideology to arise as some sort of companion-piece to the practice of immigration and a guideline for the settlement of non-Europeans in the UK.

Jenkins was the son of Welsh trade unionist and Labour party politician and in 1948 was elected into the House of Commons. He was a Fabian socialist, publishing his essay, “Equality” in the New Fabian Essays (1952). In December 1965, he was made Labour Home Secretary of the State, and in May 1966 he gave a speech in London to the National Committee for Commonwealth Immigrants, outlining his concept of multiculturalism:

I do not regard [integration] as meaning the loss, by immigrants, of their own national characteristics and culture. I do not think that we need in this country a “melting pot,” which will turn everybody out in a common mould, as one of a series of carbon copies of someone’s misplaced vision of the stereotyped Englishman…I define integration, therefore, not as a flattening process of assimilation but as equal opportunity, accompanied by cultural diversity, in an atmosphere of mutual tolerance.

This multicultural socialist egalitarianism wasn’t nationalised in the UK until 1997 under the New Labour government.

Demographic Justifications

The labour shortage argument for mass-immigration from the Third-World into the West dwindled away and was replaced by other arguments. In addition to the well-known claims about the cultural benefits in such slogans as “unity in diversity,” “diversity is strength,” and “cultural enrichment,” most arguments that support mass-immigration are heavily centered on economics and demographics.

Although there was a postwar baby boom, fertility rates in Western countries over the last sixty years have seen a dramatic decline. Today fertility rates are below replacement levels. For example, “[i]n 2000, Canada’s total fertility rate was 1.49 children for every woman, the lowest on record. Fertility in Canada was near the levels of European countries (1.4), but lower than the level observed in the United-States (2.1)” (source).

This low-fertility and hence demographic decline is used by immigration advocates claiming that continued and even increased immigration into Western nations is necessary. In addition, the concept of ageism (baby boomers retiring en-masse) is integral to the demographic decline argument. The argument runs like this: An aging labour force and the retirement of baby boomers means the labour force is shrinking and this will put a devastating strain on government financial programs such as welfare, pensions, and healthcare. In order to counter this trend, continued mass-immigration is necessary. Immigrants (and their generally high fertility rates) are the means of population growth and will provide the necessary taxes and a continuous supply of labour to sustain social services and keep the welfare system in motion.

However, as we all know, immigrants also age. In addition, many non-European immigrants are not skilled and are dependents i.e. are not of working age (children and the elderly), so do not contribute to the tax base. For example, in Canada, otherwise known in the rest of the world as a model of “skilled-labor immigration,” we find that “[l]ess than 20% of the immigrants…are selected because of their skills and training,” which means that only about 50,000 out of the 250,000 immigrants accepted into Canada per year, are skilled workers (James Bissett, “The Current State of Canadian Immigration Policy”, in The Effects of Mass Immigration on Canadian Living Standards and Society, edited by Herbert Grubel, 2009, p. 3). In fact, a total of 58.3% of the total immigration intake are not contributing to the tax pool as they are children, housewives, parents, grandparents, and the disabled, and often use social services paid for by tax payers (Alan Simmons, Immigration and Canada: Global and Transnational Perspectives, 2010, pp. 93-94).

Financial Benefits Justification

A further economic argument supporting mass-immigration is the supposed net financial benefits. But what strata of the native population receive this financial benefit? Statistics have shown that immigration is causing a financial drain on the economy of Western nations and those who are actually financially benefiting from mass-immigration are not the majority of Europeans (the working class and middle-income earners) but the politicians, the rich, employees, and the interest groups with investments and livelihoods tied up with immigration. For example, Herbert Grubel, former Canadian politician, calculates that in Canada “in the year 2002 alone, the costs in services and benefits received by the 2.5 million immigrants who arrived between 1990 and 2002 exceeded the taxes they paid by $18.3 billion” and this figure “represents more than the federal government spent on health care and twice what is spent on defence in the fiscal year 2000/2001” (James Bissett citing Grubel, p. 9).

Other reports have come out with similar conclusions. For example, in 2013 the University College of London released a report that found that non-European migrants had made “a negative fiscal contribution” to Great Britain and had “received public services and benefits worth £104 billion more, at 2011 prices, than they paid in taxes” (source).

A report in 2008 by the Taxpayers Association in France found that “the cost of immigration in France is 71.76 billion euros” but “the revenue from immigration in France is 45.57 billion euros” and “the deficit from immigration shouldered by the taxpayers is 26.19 billion euros” (source). In addition, a report in 2014 from Open Society Foundations, set up by socialist and billionaire George Soros, stated that the white working classes of Britain were being “marginalised” due to mass-immigration and were having difficulty finding jobs (source).

Net Migration Levels, Absorptive Capacity, and Ethnic Votes

Most Western countries practice high-levels of immigration today. Canada accepts about 250,000 immigrants a year, and sometimes more, which is almost an increase of 1% of the population per year. Some advisers suggest that Canada needs “a sustained increase in immigration, to 350,000 or 400,000 per year, as a strategic measure to counteract the effects of population ageing” (source).

The UK has a net migration of around 200,000 a year (source). Between 2009 and 2013 the net migration in France was 649,998, and the net migration in Germany was 549,998 (source).

Prior to the 1980s the immigration rate into Canada had previously been managed according to economic criteria and involved the notion of “absorptive capacity.” If the economy was suffering and unemployment was high, then immigration was reduced as more people could not be readily absorbed into society. Under the Mulroney conservative government in Canada in the 1980s, economic absorptive capacity was disregarded along with unemployment levels and instead immigration levels were raised. In 1990 the Immigration Minister, Barbara McDougal, under Mulroney, “convinced her cabinet colleagues to raise the levels to 250,000, by arguing that higher levels would help the party to establish stronger ties with ethnic communities” and it was in this way that “political capital” could “be gained” from high immigration numbers “whether they were needed or not” (Bissett, 4). This approach to immigration was purposely done so that the Conservative party would win ethnic votes. Salim Mansur, political science prof at the University of Western Ontario, writes that “the Mulroney government spiked the numbers upwards, from less than 100,000 in 1986 to a record high of 256,641 in 1993” despite economic recession. These actions were primarily motivated to “woo ethnic votes” (source).

Similarly, the progressive UK Labour Party, with its Fabian intellectual wing, also sought out the ethnic vote in the mid-1980s, particularly in Birmingham. Romain Garbaye, affiliate of Worcester College, writes that “The Labour Party on the whole has been sympathetic to ethnic minorities in all the major cities, in return for strong electoral support from ethnic minority voters” (Garbaye, “Birmingham: Conventional Politics as the Main Channel for Political Incorporation”, in Multicultural Policies and Modes of Citizenship in European Cities, 2001, p. 91).

The UK Labour Party is also the instigator of the open-border policy that saw the gates of Britain flung wide open from 2002 onwards. Labour came to power in 1997 under PM Tony Blair (Fabian). In 2000 the immigration minister Barbara Rouche gave a speech about loosening immigration controls and in 2002 Labour overturned these controls and stressed open borders; visas were given to highly skilled economic migrants without job offers, international students were encouraged, a new points based system (PBS) was developed (introduced in 2008); and when several Eastern European countries (A8) joined the European Union in 2004, EU nationals were allowed to access the labour market without any restrictions and were increasingly relied upon for low skilled work.

Between 1997 and 2007 net migration of non-Britons to Britain was 1.8 million. In 2008 the population of foreign born (including European nationals) amounted to 6.9 million people, or 11% of the UK’s total population, up from 4.9 million in 2001; by 2009, the population of foreign citizens had “nearly tripled in size since the 1980s,” standing at 4.4 million, or 7% of the population.

Sources:
here and here

In 2009, a scandal emerged over Labour’s immigration policies. Andrew Neather, former advisor to PM Tony Blair, revealed that the true nature behind the open border mass-immigration policy of the Labour Party was politically motivated: it was a social and demographic manufacturing project. The Telegraph newspaper reported that Neather had said that “Labour threw open Britain’s borders to mass immigration to help socially engineer a ‘truly multicultural’ country'” and “The huge increases in migrants over the last decade were partly due to a politically motivated attempt by ministers to radically change the country and ‘rub the Right’s nose in diversity'” and effectively “render their arguments out of date” (source).

After Labour came to power in 1997, “multiculturalism” also became a fashionable term in politics and national speeches. In 2000, Tony Blair set out his new vision of “Britishness” and claimed that Britain was “a rich mix of all different ethnic and religious origins” (source). In 2002 the Queen echoed his sentiments, saying in her Jubilee speech to Parliament: “our richly multicultural and multifaith society, a major development since 1952, is being achieved remarkably peacefully and with much goodwill” (source).

Destruction of Europe: Socialist-Capitalist Immigrant Multiculturalism and Economic Individualism

What we are witnessing here is a convergence of economic and cultural factors in the enforcement of immigrant multiculturalism, that is, the right and the left have found a major point of agreement: turning European nations into multiracial concoctions dedicated to human equality and managerial capitalism. Michael O’Meara, in his New Culture, New Right (2004), views multiculturalism as insisting upon “the presence of other cultures” and the “mixing of populations” (multiracialism) so as to “impose a system in which Europeans are to be turned into an indifferent multiracial multitude, without roots or collective memories — programmed simply to consume” (p. 101). Likewise, Mark Dyal, writing the foreword for Babel Inc. Multiculturalism, Globalisation, and the New World Order (2013) by Kerry Bolton, considers multiculturalism a “moral regime” that “condemn[s] pride in one’s particularity,” i.e. European indigenous particularity, and is used by the State “at the bidding of the capitalist oligarchs…to spread a monolithic culture of liberal politics, feminism, anti-racism, and identity-based hyper-consumption” (Mark Dyal, Babel Inc., pp. vi-vii).

Multiculturalism does not afford the White majorities of Western nations majority rights; European majorities have individual rights only, which is an assumption that they have replaced their societal culture and traditions with liberal individualism over the last few decades (through pressure tactics, indoctrination by media and education institutions, mandating the political experiment of multiculturalism by codifying it as law, legal punishment of dissent, etc.). In addition, even though minority immigrant groups are granted minority rights, for example in Canada they are called polyethnic or immigrant minority group rights, these rights are considered as temporary, merely a stepping stone towards the eventual creation, over time, of more liberal-democratic individualists guided only by individual rights and monetarism.

In other words, rather than organic bonds as a regulatory force of traditional societies (elevates the community over the individual), multiculturalism ascribes abstract human rights (elevates individual over community) as the moral standard for all. It attempts to “eliminate human difference in the name of an amorphous and standardizing quantity labeled ‘humanity'” devoid of racial, ethnic, or ancestral identifications (O’Meara, p. 101). It is a bourgeois humanism, an economic individualism, that masquerades as the supreme moral force of Western universalism; it is cast by Leftist socialists as the exemplary model for all the world’s nations to conform to, whether they like it or not (forced to be “free”), and is utilised by capitalists to transform cultures into neoliberal societies and to integrate them into a world economic market run by wealthy elites.

Even though multiculturalism does affect all classes, it is the working classes which have undergone the most radical of top-down transitions in the past sixty years and have been the recipient of the most harm to their culture and ethnic identity. Political correctness and the doctrine of “tolerance” have resulted in the punishment of any dissent towards multicultural policies and immigration practices. Europeans who attempt to preserve and take pride in their nations, traditional cultures and heritages are today punished with heavy fines, arrests, imprisonment, job loss, and public demonization.

Mass-immigration and multiculturalism are strategies linking socialist and progressive ideas that are utilised by capitalists to rapidly and radically transform the West into a deracinated place obedient to the dictates of global accumulation and racial equality. These practices are gradually stripping native Europeans of their cultural integrity, ethnic identity, neighbourhood solidarity, popular power, historical memory, birthright, and the right to dissent. As the socialist-capitalist global alliance continues to function, high levels of Third-World immigration will persist and the multicultural “long march through the institutions” will further undermine the existence of European peoples.

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